On September 7, 1907, nearly a century ago, an anti-Asiatic riot took place in Vancouver’s Chinatown and Japantown. The riot was the most spectacular moment within a long history of anti-Asiatic agitation in British Columbia. This hostility began in 1885, right after the Canadian Pacific Railway was completed and the same year the Head Tax was imposed on Chinese entering Canada. This long history of anti-Asian agitation resulted in more than the street violence of the riot, but also created a legacy of focusing on the perspectives of the rioters at the expense of the victims of the riot. This exclusion of Chinese Canadian, Japanese Canadian, and South Asian Canadian points of view might not have been as violent, but in many ways the long-term effect has been just as harmful. In perpetuating the rioters’ perspectives as the central story of 1907, Canadian history still has not adequately included those who were excluded through these anti-Asian acts. During the investigation of the riot, conducted by future Prime Minister Mackenzie King, Asian language newspapers and sources were rarely consulted by the Canadian authorities, and thus, the Asian victims’ voices have been buried over the past century.

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In this article, first, I will discuss how most local English language media tended to down play the violence of the 1907 riots. Second, the local media ignored the long history of anti-Asian agitation in British Columbia and instead portrayed the Asiatic Exclusion League, originally organized in the United States, as the cause of the riot,. Finally, in reading what Chinese and Japanese language newspapers had to say about the riots, we can see very different reactions and perspectives than in English language newspapers. I will discuss articles from three Asian language newspapers, each of which based their reports on accounts from Chinese or Japanese observers in Vancouver; THE TAIWAN DAILY NEWS [TAIWAN RI RI XIN BAO 台灣日日新報], THE CHINESE ENGLISH DAILY [HUA YING JIH PAO 華英日報] and the THE CHINESE WESTERN DAILY NEWS [CHUNG SAI YAT PO 中西日報].

Most of the English media tended to down play the violence of the 1907 riots. This view, widely circulated in local newspapers, came to dominate later views as well. Sixty years later, a historian writing about the riots concluded from reading local English language newspapers that: “There was considerable damage to property held by Chinese and Japanese, but there were no deaths.1”. Chinese and Japanese language newspapers tended to describe the riots in a much more violent light. For instance, in an article, “The Detailed Report of the Vancouver Riot”, published in Taiwan in both Japanese and Chinese on September 22, 1907, roughly two weeks after the riot, THE TAIWAN DAILY NEWS, reported that there were in fact multiple deaths: “The Japanese stores in Vancouver on the evening of September 8th, were damaged by a thousand rioters; The Japanese fought with them and killed four white men2.”Additionally, this article described in detail the number of stores that were damaged and specifically indicated the name of the stores, “The eighteen stores ran by the Japanese, including nine hotels, two public bathing places, two shoes stores, five barber shop, a bank, a press, a Japanese food restaurant, and a glass store, were all damaged.3

Mr. Ishii [a special envoy of the Japanese Government] requested twenty-five thousand dollars in compensation, but the Mayor  refused it. Therefore, this request was transferred to the Canadian government and became an international issue4.

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This detailed information, focusing on the actions of the Japanese in response to the riots, transformed the incident into a diplomatic crisis between Japan and Canada and served to give the point of view of the Chinese and Japanese victims, something that was rare among the local English newspapers.

Major local English newspapers focused on the sympathy of federal and British officials and their regret for the victims in the riot. One newspaper reported that the Prime Minister of Canada, on order of the Governor-General, sent a telegraph to the Mayor of Vancouver:

The Governor-General and the King of England had close relations and they heard the Emperor of Japan’s subjects were insulted and expressed their deep regrets and hope that order could be restored and the offenders punished as soon as possible5.

In September 1907, most English and American media ascribed the cause of the riots to Americans belonging to the Asiatic Exclusion League6, while neglecting the long hostility against Asian migrants in British Columbia. This elision gave the impression that local B.C. social organizations (e.g. the local churches and labour unions) and politicians had little to do with the 1907 riot.

      For instance, THE TIMES emphasized to their readers that Americans were to be blamed for the 1907 riots:

The leaders of the demonstration were not Canadians, but citizens of the United States. They were Frank Cotterill, president of the Gederation of Labour of the State of Washington, A.E. Fowler, secretary of the Anti-Japanese and Korean League of the same State, and George P. Listman, a prominent Labour leader of Seatle...The actual acts of violence seem to have been committed for the most part by Canadians, but that the violence was due to the agitation of the Americans there appears to be not a shadow of doubt7.

      B.C.’s long history of local anti-Asiatic sentiment and active labour movements were not mentioned at all. In contrast, THE TAIWAN DAILY NEWS revealed that British Columbians were actively involved in the anti-Asiatic movement, even after the anti-Asiatic 1907 riot, something rarely brought up in local B.C. newspapers: “The anti-Japanese movement was becoming more and more active in Vancouver; the local people frequently allied with the anti-Japanese Exclusion League and often hold meetings to plan to attack the Japanese8.”

      Reporting the opinion of a Chinese eyewitness, THE CHINESE WESTERN DAILY NEWS described a local context for the riot:

Japanese and East Indians have flooded in to Vancouver since the beginning of this year. Therefore, the labour unions are envious of them… Labour unions often petition the Canadian government to forbid Japanese and East Indian workers [from coming],and the racial discrimination even applies to our race [the Chinese people]. The hatred has been accumulating for a long time9.

      That “the labour union [工黨 Gong dang] has been envious of the influx of Asian labours since the beginning of the year [1907]10,”implied that organized anti-Asian hostility had existed in B.C. for at least eight months. He was clear that local labour unions [工黨 Gong dang] were behind the 1907 riot. That this eyewitness was referring to local labour unions and not the Asiatic Exclusion League was evident: in THE CHINESE WESTERN DAILY NEWS, THE CHINA DAILY [ZHONG GUO RI BAO 中國日報],THE CHINESE TAIWAN DAILY NEWS [HAN WEN TAIWAN RI RI XIN BAO 漢文台灣日日新報] the Asiatic Exclusion League was translated as 禁亞人會 Jin Ya ren hui11 or Qu zhu Ya ren hui, Ri ben ren pai chi tong meng hui not Gong dang, labour union or party. Chinese newspapers,unlike local English newspapers,reported the long history of local anti-Asian organizing, refusing to assign sole cause to the agitation of Americans and the Asiatic Exclusion League.

     This long hostility and political agitation outlasted the September 1907 riots, with ongoing incidents. In January 1908, a small anti-Japanese riot happened again. A telegraph issued on the 4th from Tokyo:

Yesterday, anti-Japanese riot happened in Vancouver, damaging Japanese stores. The Japanese fought back and rioters retrieved. There were some casualties12.

From the point of view of the Asians targeted by anti-Asian agitation in B.C., the riots of 1907 were only one incident and was soon followed by anti-Asian legislation. These included the Hayashi-Lemieux Agreement of 1908, which limited the number of Japanese migrants; the 1908 Continuous Journey Act, which cut off migrants from India; and the 1923 Chinese Exclusion Act, which finally answered the long-standing call of anti-Asian organizations for the ending of Chinese migration to Canada.

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The role of community organizations in dealing with anti-Asian violence and discrimination is also revealed in Chinese language sources in ways that we cannot find in English sources. A notice distributed by the Chinese Benevolent Association (CBA) to the inhabitants in Chinatown around September 8, 1907 was printed in THE CHINESE ENGLISH DAILY: “If any of you go back to your original work places and your employers are not willing to hire you and hire others instead, please report to the CBA and we will negotiate for you, ” and later, “Any Chinese people who have been beaten by westerners, please report to the CBA and we will negotiate with them13.” The CBA actively organized Chinese Canadians to parry the often violent tactics used by anti-Asian organizations, part of a long term strategy to remove Chinese workers from jobs and replace them with white workers.

Notices published by the CBA again highlight the disparity between English and Asian language newspapers in reporting the role of as a political tactic. The major British Columbia newspapers, such as THE COLUMBIANS, reported that there were “no fatalities” in the 1907 riot14. However, according to the notice issued by the CBA printed in THE CHINESE ENGLISH DAILY, a Chinese man Wu Ya-sen from Pingxia, the city of Nin, was found “hanging on the tree close to a public cemetery” after the riot and “the cause of his death” was unclear15. “The CBA has hired a lawyer and doctor to exam his body tomorrow at 4 o’clock in order to investigate the cause of his death and will subsequently announce it.”16 It was inconclusive whether Wu Ya-sen hanged himself.

The CBA’s role as an organization created to respond to anti-Chinese agitation was clear. THE CHINESE ENGLISH DAILY became the primary organ for distributing information within the Chinese community in response to the riot and for negotiating with non-Chinese authorities. One Chinese eyewitness to the riots and their aftermath wrote, “This time it was fortunate that THE CHINESE ENGLISH DAILY office, for days on end, distributed issues [because the people started to feel calmer]. [The Chinese Benevolent Association] acted with certainty, telegraphing the Canadian government to negotiate rationally with them, accusing the local government and requesting compensation. [The Chinese Benevolent Association] advised my fellow countrymen to be watchful and prepare themselves [in case the situation worsened]17.”

Articles in the THE CHINESE ENGLISH DAILY and the tactics used by the CBA in response to anti-Chinese violence revealed how the Chinese differed from their enemies by showing them as uncivilized by resorting to violence as a political tool.

Our country [China] uses culture and civilization to deal with enemies. The Analects of Confucius say, “Use  uprightness to treat resentment; use kindness in return for kindness.” Improve ourselves in order to wipe away this humiliation [that the riot has brought to Chinatown]; face upward and feel free!18”

It is interesting to note how many English language newspapers focused on how the Japanese heroically fought back the rioters, showing how the Chinese in contrast were relatively passive in protecting themselves. However, Chinese language newspapers revealed a different perspective on violence, suggesting the response of the Chinese in not fighting violence with further violence as a virtue.

The Chinese, Japanese and English language newspapers were reporting on the same set of events--the 1907 Riots--however, the readers perceived very different stories. The perspectives on the 1907 riots of local B.C. newspapers were very different from that of Asian language newspapers. The historical voice of Chinese and Japanese Canadians, and the historical importance of Asian language materials pertaining to the 1907 riots must be recovered, and this long ignored history reclaimed. To continue to only listen to the English language sources reinforces the erasure and exclusions that anti-Asian agitation and white supremacy accomplished in the aftermath of the 1907 riots. To do so perpetuates the injustices that anti-Asian agitation worked to achieve, denying us the possibility of creating a common Canadian history that recognizes the inequities of the past, which is the shared inheritance of us all.

* The author, Woan-Jen Wang, a UBC student, is currently working on a website, Perspectives on the 1907 Riots in Selected Asian Languages and International Newspapers, as a course project and as part of the 2007 Anniversary. Prof. Henry Yu is her instructor.

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References:

(Endnotes)

1 Wynne, Robert E. American Labor Leaders and the Vancouver Anti-Oriental Riot. Pacific Northwest Quarterly, October, 1966. P. 172-179.

2 THE CHINESE TAIWAN DAILY NEWS [HAN WEN TAIWAN RI RI XIN BAO] [electronic resource] Sep 21, 1907. Taipei: Transmission Books & Microinfo Co. Ltd., 2005. National Taiwan University. Main Library.

3 THE CHINESE TAIWAN DAILY NEWS [HAN WEN TAIWAN RI RI XIN BAO] [electronic resource] Sep 21, 1907. Taipei: Transmission Books & Microinfo Co. Ltd., 2005.National Taiwan University. Main Library.

4 THE CHINESE TAIWAN DAILY NEWS [HAN WEN TAIWAN RI RI XIN BAO] [electronic resource] Sep 21, 1907. Taipei: Transmission Books & Microinfo Co. Ltd., 2005. National Taiwan Unviersity. Main Library.

5 THE CHINESE TAIWAN DAILY NEWS [HAN WEN TAIWAN RI RI XIN BAO] [electronic resource] Sep 21, 1907. Taipei: Transmission Books & Microinfo Co. Ltd., 2005. National Taiwan University. Main Library.

6 Wynne, Robert E. American Labor Leaders and the Vancouver Anti-Oriental Riot. Pacific Northwest Quarterly October, 1966. P.172-179

7 THE TIMES Wednesday, Sep 11,1907. London, England.

8 THE CHINESE TAIWAN DAILY NEWS [HAN WEN TAIWAN RI RI XIN BAO] [electronic resource] Sep 21, 1907. Taipei: Transmission Books & Microinfo Co. Ltd., 2005. National Taiwan University. Main Library.

9 THE CHUNG SAI YAT PO [Microfilm], Sep 16, 1907. Chung Sai Yat Po Pub. Co, Publisher.Chung Sai Yat Po Newspaper Collection. University of California, Berkeley.The Ethnic Studies Library.

10 THE CHUNG SAI YAT PO [Microfilm], Sep 16, 1907. Chung Sai Yat Po Pub. Co, Publisher.Chung Sai Yat Po Newspaper Collection. University of California, Berkeley.The Ethnic Studies Library.

11 THE CHUNG SAI YAT PO [Microfilm], Sep 09, 1907. Chung Sai Yat Po Pub. Co, Publisher.Chung Sai Yat Po Newspaper Collection University of California, Berkeley. The Ethnic Studies Library.

12 CHINA DAILY Sep 21, 1907. Hong Kong China Daily Press. Taipei:The KMT Central Committee of Compiling KMT Historical Materials [Zhong guo guo min dang zhong yang wei yuan hui dang shi shi liao bian zuan wei yuan hui], 1969.

13 THE CHINESE TAIWAN DAILY NEWS [HAN WEN TAIWAN RI RI XIN BAO] [electronic resource] Sep 21, 1907. Taipei: Transmission Books & Microinfo Co. Ltd., 2005. National Taiwan University. Main Library.

14 THE CHINESE TAIWAN DAILY NEWS [HAN WEN TAIWAN RI RI XIN BAO] [electronic resource] Jan 05, 1908. Taipei: Transmission Books & Microinfo Co. Ltd., 2005. National Taiwan University. Main Library.

15 The Chinese Benevolent Association Notice. Historical Chinese Language Materials in B.C., an on-going project of UBC Asian Library.

16 THE COLUMBIAN Sep 09, 1907. British Columbia, Vancouver, Canada.

17 The Chinese Benevolent Association Notice. Historical Chinese Language Materials in B.C., an on-going project of UBC Asian Library.

18 The Chinese Benevolent Association Notice. Historical Chinese Language Materials in B.C., an on-going project of UBC Asian Library.

19 THE CHUNG SAI YAT PO [Microfilm] Sep 16, 1907. Chung Sai Yat Po Pub. Co, Publisher.Chung Sai Yat Po Newspaper Collection. University of California, Berkeley.The Ethnic Studies Library.

20 THE CHUNG SAI YAT PO [Microfilm] Sep 16, 1907. Chung Sai Yat Po Pub. Co, Publisher.Chung Sai Yat Po Newspaper Collection. University of California, Berkeley.The Ethnic Studies Library.

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